PRESS STATEMENT
Beyond the 20% Rule: Sierra Leone at a Crossroads Between Democratic Renewal and Permanent Crisis Governance
The Sierra Leone Advocacy Movement – Global (SLAM-GLOBAL), speaking on behalf of the long-suffering yet resilient people of Sierra Leone at home and across the diaspora, issues this statement as a continuation and expansion of our earlier press release addressing the proposed “20% in two-thirds of districts” presidential threshold.
That earlier intervention focused on the electoral danger of the proposed vote-spread rule. This statement goes deeper.
It confronts the other constitutional and governance changes now being proposed-changes that, taken together, pose an even greater threat to Sierra Leone’s democratic future than any single electoral formula.
THIS IS NO LONGER ABOUT ONE RULE. IT IS ABOUT THE SYSTEM IT CREATES.
Sierra Leone is not merely being asked to adjust how leaders are elected. It is being asked-quietly, incrementally, and without national consensus-to re- engineer how power itself is exercised, protected, and prolonged. What is emerging is not reform for accountability, but architecture for insulation.
A DANGEROUS PATTERN IS TAKING SHAPE
Beyond the 20% rule, the proposed changes reveal a clear and troubling pattern:
* Expansion of executive discretion, especially under vaguely defined “emergency” or “exceptional” circumstances. These provisions concentrate extraordinary powers in the hands of the executive without clear, objective limits or robust oversight. In a context where trust is already fragile, loosely defined emergencies risk becoming instruments of convenience rather than safeguards of the public good, normalizing rule by exception and weakening constitutional restraints.
* Judicialization of politics, where courts are transformed from arbiters of last resort into routine gatekeepers of political outcomes. By routing core political decisions through the judiciary as a matter of course, these changes risk politicizing the courts and eroding their independence. When judges are forced into the center of electoral and governance disputes, legitimacy shifts from the ballot to the bench, undermining both democratic choice and judicial credibility.
* Administrative dominance over democracy, replacing political consensus with committees, procedures, and opaque certifications. The growing reliance on appointed bodies and technocratic processes distances decision-making from the people it is meant to serve. In a low-trust environment, administrative complexity is not perceived as neutrality but as manipulation, fueling public suspicion that outcomes are being managed rather than chosen.
* Marginalization of Parliament, reducing deliberation, oversight, and meaningful opposition. Procedural changes that weaken Parliament diminish its role as the primary arena for national debate and accountability. When legislative scrutiny is sidelined and opposition voices are rendered ineffective, democratic grievances are pushed outside institutional channels, increasing the risk of unrest and disengagement.
* Erosion of finality, where elections and governance no longer conclusively settle disputes but instead prolong them indefinitely. Democracy depends on clear endpoints-moments when decisions are accepted and societies move forward. When reforms introduce endless reviews, litigation, and conditional outcomes, they create a system of perpetual uncertainty, where power is never truly transferred and public confidence steadily erodes.
Individually, these changes may appear technical. Collectively, they represent a shift away from people-centered governance toward permanent crisis management.
WHY THIS MOMENT MATTERS
These changes are being introduced at a time when:
* The 2023 elections remain unresolved in the hearts and minds of millions. For many Sierra Leoneans, the 2023 elections did not deliver closure or confidence in democratic choice. The absence of widely accepted outcomes has left a lingering sense of injustice and doubt, weakening the social contract that binds citizens to the state.
* Polling-station results are still not fully published, deepening mistrust. Transparency is the cornerstone of electoral legitimacy, yet the continued non-publication of complete polling-station results has fueled suspicion and speculation. In the absence
of verifiable data, citizens are left to question not only the outcome of the election, but the integrity of the entire electoral process.
* Parliament is widely perceived as a rubber-stamp institution. When legislative debate appears perfunctory and oversight mechanisms are weakened, Parliament risks losing its role as the people’s primary forum for accountability. This perception-whether fully accurate or not-undermines public faith in representative governance and deepens political disengagement.
* The judiciary is under intense public scrutiny. Courts are increasingly drawn into political disputes that test both their independence and their capacity to command public trust. When judicial decisions are viewed through partisan lenses, the credibility of the rule of law itself comes under strain, placing an unfair burden on an institution meant to stand above politics.
* Youth unemployment, inflation, drug abuse, and economic hardship are pushing communities to the edge. Economic distress has become a daily reality for many families, with young people facing limited opportunities and rising frustration. Coupled with inflation and the spread of drug abuse, these pressures create a volatile social environment where despair can quickly turn into unrest if political avenues for change appear blocked.
In such a fragile environment, complexity does not reassure-it alarms. Discretion does not stabilize-it radicalizes. And power without accountability does not unite-it divides.
A LESSON FROM OUR OWN HISTORY
Sierra Leone has walked this road before.
Our brutal civil war did not begin overnight. It was preceded by years of:
” Political exclusion
” Concentration of power
” Weak institutions
” Youth despair
” And a growing belief that peaceful change was no longer possible
The lesson of our history is clear:
When democratic exits narrow, instability enters.
Today’s proposed changes-especially those beyond the 20% rule-risk recreating the
conditions of futility, even if the forms of conflict look different.
This time, the danger may not come as a bush war. It may come as urban unrest, institutional collapse, criminal capture, and generational disillusionment.
THIS IS WHY SIERRA LEONE IS NOT READY FOR THESE CHANGES
A democracy can only absorb structural reforms when it has:
” Trusted institutions
” Transparent processes
” Independent oversight
” Economic buffers
” And public confidence that the rules apply equally to all
Sierra Leone, today, has none of these in sufficient measure. Introducing reforms that centralize power, expand discretion, and delay accountability before restoring trust is not reform-it is risk accumulation.
WHAT THE PEOPLE ARE SAYING
A market woman in Kenema told SLAM-GLOBAL: ?They keep changing the rules, but our lives do not change. If the system is not for us, one day we will stop believing in it.?
A young graduate in Makeni said: ?When elections no longer end arguments, people will find other ways to be heard.?
These are not threats. They are warnings. SLAM-GLOBAL’S POSITION IS CLEAR
This is not a partisan appeal. This is a national alarm bell.
SLAM-GLOBAL does not oppose reform. We oppose reform without readiness, power without accountability, and complexity without trust.
We therefore call for:
1. Immediate pause on all non-essential constitutional changes beyond the 20% rule. At this delicate moment, Sierra Leone cannot afford rapid or sweeping constitutional alterations that deepen mistrust or concentrate power. A temporary pause allows space for sober reflection, national consultation, and risk assessment-ensuring that reforms strengthen democracy rather than destabilize it.
2. Full transparency regarding the 2023 elections, including publication of all results. Democratic healing cannot occur without truth. The complete publication of all polling-station and aggregated election results is essential to restore confidence, close lingering disputes, and reaffirm the principle that political authority flows from the will of the people, not from secrecy or delay.
3. Restoration of institutional credibility before structural power shifts. No constitutional reform can succeed if the institutions charged with implementing it are not trusted. Rebuilding the independence, professionalism, and public confidence of the electoral commission, judiciary, and Parliament must come first-before any redistribution or consolidation of power is attempted.
4. Broad, inclusive national dialogue involving civil society, youth, women, traditional leaders, and the diaspora. Sierra Leone’s future cannot be negotiated behind closed doors or limited to political elites alone. A genuine national dialogue must reflect the voices of those who bear the consequences of governance-young people, women, community leaders, and the diaspora-so that reform becomes a shared national project, not an imposed outcome.
5. Sequencing reform correctly: trust first, reform second-not the reverse. History shows that reforms introduced in a climate of suspicion harden divisions rather than resolve them. Trust is not a by-product of reform; it is its foundation. Without first rebuilding confidence in institutions and processes, even well-intentioned changes risk becoming sources of permanent instability.
A MESSAGE TO ECOWAS, THE AU, AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
Do not mistake procedural change for democratic progress. Sierra Leone does not need more sophisticated rules. It needs believable ones. Reforms that entrench discretion and weaken accountability in a low-trust environment do not stabilize nations- they fracture them slowly.
A FINAL WORD TO THE PEOPLE OF SIERRA LEONE
Our nation has survived war, disease, and hardship because ordinary Sierra Leoneans refused to give up on hope. Democracy is not protected by silence. It is protected by truth, courage, and collective vigilance.
SLAM-GLOBAL stands with the people-not against reform, but for a future where reform strengthens the people rather than shelters power.
We have paid too high a price for exclusion to accept it again-this time written into law.
Sierra Leone must not trade its fragile peace for permanent uncertainty.
P.S. We invite you to explore our recently published analysis in a book, “Building a Nation: Good Governance and Democratic Principles in Sierra Leone.” As we unite for change in 2026, this resource provides valuable insights for activists, policymakers, and concerned citizens committed to Sierra Leone’s transformation. Find it here: link.
Signed,
Dr. Alfred A. Veenod Fullah
DIRECTOR-GENERAL
CC:
” Office of the President of Sierra Leone
” Office of the Vice President of Sierra Leone
” Speaker of the Sierra Leone House of Parliament
” Office of the Chief Minister of the Government of Sierra Leone
” Electoral Commission for Sierra Leone (ECSL)
” Inspector General of Sierra Leone Police
” Chief of Defence Staff, Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF)
” Office of National Security, Sierra Leone
” Independent Commission for Peace and National Cohesion
” Leonardo Santos Simao, Representative of the Secretary-General & Head of UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS)
” African Union (AU)
” Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
” Amnesty International
” Marco Rubio, United States Secretary of State
” Vice President, Congressional and Public Affairs
” The Commonwealth Secretary-General
” Karim Ahmad Khan, Chief Prosecutor, International Criminal Court (ICC)
” Richard YOUNG, Chief de Division, Afrique de l’Ouest
” Ms. Ursula Von Der Lyen, European Commissioner
” The United Nations Representative in Sierra Leone
” H. E. Oumar Touray, President of ECOWAS Commission
” Madam Fatoumata Jallow-Tambajang, former VP of The Gambia
” H.E John Dramani Mahama, President of Ghana
” H. E. Bassiru Faye, President of Senegal
” H.E. Mamadi Doumbouya, President of Guinea
” H.E. Joseph Boakai, President of Liberia
” David Lammy, Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth & Dev Affairs, UK
” Neil Alan John Coyle, MP for Bermondsey & Old Southwark, UK
” Ambassador Aly Diallo, Ambassador of the Republic of Guinea to the UK&I
” Ambassador Mohammad Maidugu, Acting High Commissioner of Nigeria in the UK&I
” Her Excellency Dr Fatou Bensouda, Head of Mission, The Gambia high Commission, UK&I
” H.E Fatimata Dia, Ambassador of Senegal to the UK&I
” H.E Gurly T. Gibson-Schwarz, Ambassador of Liberia to the UK&I
” Her Excellency Josephine Gauld, British High Commissioner to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of the United States of America to Sierra Leone
” Head of the European Union Delegation in Sierra Leone
” General Consul of Canada in Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of China to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Germany to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Lebanon to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Iran to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Brazil to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Sweden to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Libya to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Egypt to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Cuba to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Guinea to Sierra Leone
” Ambassador of Liberia to Sierra Leone
” High Commissioner of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to Sierra Leone
” High Commissioner of Ghana to Sierra Leone
” High Commissioner of The Gambia to Sierra Leone
” General Consul of Italy in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul-General of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul-General of Ireland in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul-General of Japan in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul-General of India to Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Senegal in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Switzerland in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Syria in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Turkey in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Mali in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Ukraine in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Romania in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Norway in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Hungary in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of France in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Belgium in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of The Netherlands in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Spain in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Serbia in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Austria in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Denmark in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Russia in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of Malaysia in Sierra Leone
” Honorary Consul of South Africa in Sierra Leone
” Civil Society Movement – Sierra Leone (CSM – SL)
” Media Reform Coordinating Group of Sierra Leone (MRCG)
” Sierra Leone Association of Non-Governmental Organizations (SLANGO)
” Civil rights Defenders – Sierra Leone
” National Elections Watch (NEW) – Sierra Leone
” Campaign for Good Governance (CGG) – Sierra Leone
” Women’s Forum – Sierra Leone
” Network Movement for Justice and Development (NMJD)
” Sierra Leone Legal Aid Board
” Faith-Based and Interfaith Organizations – (Interreligious Council of Sierra Leone)
” Council of Churches in Sierra Leone (CCSL)
” Fourah Bay College – University of Sierra Leone
” Institute of Governance Reform (IGR)
” Youth Partnership for Peace and Development (YPPD)
” Children’s Forum Network
” Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) – Sierra Leone
” Awoko Newspaper – Sierra Leone
” Liberty TV Online – Sierra Leone
” Radio Democracy 98.1 FM Station – Sierra Leone
” The New York Times
” The Washington Post
” The USA Today
” The Cable News Network (CNN)
” The MicroSoft National Broadcast Corporation (MSNBC)
” The Fox News
” The Associated Press
” Thomson Reuters
” The National Public Radio (NPR)
” The Brookings Institution
” The Heritage Foundation
” The Center For American Progress
” The National Association For The Advancement Of Colored People (NAACP)
” The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)
” The MoveOn
” The Democratic National Committee
” The Republican National Committee
” The EMILY’s List
” The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
” The Sky News
” Al Jazeera
” The Independent Television (ITV)
” The Times
” The Financial Times
” The Guardian
” The Daily Telegraph